Thank you, Mister Speaker. If I know that this committee amendment before this body addresses a change that has to be made due to population changes over the last ten years.…
Speaker PackardThe question is on the majority committee amendment. A division has been requested. Members will take their seats. We are just doing parliamentary inquiries. Members will take their seats. The sooner members take their seats, the sooner we can be done. The motion before us is on the majority committee amendment. This is a division vote. The Chair recognizes Rep. Marjorie Smith for a parliamentary inquiry. Representative Marjorie Smith: Thank you, Mister Speaker. Mister Speaker, if I knew that in 2018 the well-respected national organization FiveThirtyEight did a thorough evaluation of every state's congressional district and when they drew the map that would most favor the Democratic Party in the State of New Hampshire, they drew the exact same map that the Republican majority on the Special Committee on Redistricting drew. The exact same map. And, Mister Speaker, if I knew that and if I were a Republican in the New Hampshire legislature in 2021, I would not want to settle for half a loaf and therefore I would oppose the majority amendment on HB 52 and would then vote red on the majority amendment in order to consider an amendment which might make it possible for my party, the Republican Party in this case, or the Democratic Party to win both seats? I would press the red button. Thank you.
Speaker PackardThe House will be in order. It's getting awful noisy again. The Chair recognizes Rep. Barbara Griffin for a parliamentary inquiry.
Rep. Barbara Griffin (R - Hills 6)Thank you, Mister Speaker. If I know that this committee amendment before this body addresses a change that has to be made due to population changes over the last ten years. And, Mister Speaker, if I know that in fact the map that is presented by this amendment is not the most partisan passable map that there is and apparently some people don't know how to draw maps very well. And finally, Mister Speaker, if I am aware that the map before this body in this amendment (2271h) will provide for legal, state and federal constitutional representation over the next ten years, would I now press the green button to support the committee amendment?
Speaker PackardThe question before us is the majority committee amendment on HB 52. This is a division vote. If you are in favor, you will press the green button. If you are opposed, you'll press the red button. Voting stations are open for 30 seconds. Have all members present had an opportunity to vote? The House will attend to the state of the vote. 184 voting Yea, 171 voting Nay, the majority committee amendment is adopted. This is the second reading and open to further amendment. This is the minority amendment (2245h) printed in House Record 48, pages 67 through 70. Rep. Marjorie Smith moves adoption and is recognized to speak in favor of the amendment.
Rep. Marjorie Smith (D - Straf 6)Thank you very much, Mister Speaker. Basically, since 1880, the two districts for Congress. I'm just waiting for quiet. My mother told me never to speak when other people were speaking.
Speaker PackardThe sooner everyone can take their seats or take their conversations outside, we can get through these bills.
Rep. Marjorie Smith (D - Straf 6)Thank you, Mister Speaker, for your courtesy. From 1880 until now, in New Hampshire there have been two congressional districts and the basic map has stayed the same. In the second district Republicans won 71 times and Democrats 15 in the last 86 elections. The first district changed hands in six of the last eight elections with incumbents losing in five of those races. New Hampshire has predominantly leaned Republican. State elections have frequently been purple with a healthy party mixture of Governor, State House, Senate, US House and Senate. New Hampshire voters, every two years, vote for the candidate they prefer without necessarily following party lines. Under federal and state constitutional and legal requirements, we need to have two equal districts from the current census for the New Hampshire Congressional seats. We were off by 18,000 votes. Once the new census figures came back, all we had to do was move 9,000 people from the first district into the second district. We didn't have to really shake everything up. We didn't have to change things in any dramatic way. Moving 9,000 people would give us two districts with equal population and in fact, that is what the minority amendment does. It moves only 9,000 people from the first district into the second. This differs from the amendment that at the moment this House has passed, but there is still time to correct the mistake. They have moved about 25% of the total population of the state from one district to another for no logical reason. In two days of public hearings, only one person testified in favor of the majority amendment and his thoughtful reasoned presentation was that this amendment would help the incumbents gain seniority in Washington and he thought that was important. It is important if what you believe is protecting incumbency. It's not important if what you believe is making sure that citizens have the right every two years to choose the person they want to lead. That is the strength of the New Hampshire political system in the House, in the Senate and the Executive Council and the Governorship. Voters are able to decide every two years whether or not to keep an incumbent. In the US House, it's the same thing. Unfortunately we have no control over the length of the US Senate term. That is six years. We can't do anything about it, but in New Hampshire we like to vote for our elected officials every two years. It's unique in the nation and it's one of our great strengths. Every candidate should be able to approach an election on a level playing field. The majority of the committee stated clearly that their goal was to tilt that playing field. Please support the minority amendment that protects the rights of all New Hampshire voters to have a fair opportunity to color our state red, blue or purple. Thank you, Mister Speaker and thank you for the courtesy of letting me speak without standing up.
Rep. Ross Berry (R - Hills 44)Thank you, Mister Speaker. I'm specifically addressing some of the complaints raised by the minority of the committee. The minority moved one town. That town happened to be one of the most Republican towns in the state. Why is that important, Mister Speaker? Because while the minority of the committee speaks of fairness of the current districts, they have won 90% of the contest under the cur-
rent map. That is not purple, Mister Speaker. One drop of red and nine drops of blue is not purple, it's just blue. Furthermore, Mister Speaker, the majority map did a better job of preserving shared sewer and water systems, shared police and fire departments and regional planning committees, which are crucial for receiving federal funds. The minority amendment, the minority map proposed only does a better job of preserving public health regions to address their claim of moving people into a new seat. Mister Speaker, when we draw maps, there is no such thing as looking at the current map. You draw new districts every time and if one was to look at the original versions of CD1 and CD2 as the minority said, which was drawn in 1880, you wouldn't recognize them today. And, in fact, there has been reports, Mister Speaker, public reports that the original maps were gerrymandered to dilute the Catholic vote, which is why Nashua and Manchester were originally separated. I'm not making that accusation today, Mister Speaker, it was over 130 to 140 years ago. People should be aware of that while claims are being made. With that, Mister Speaker, I ask that you vote no on this amendment and I request a roll call vote.
Speaker PackardA roll call vote has been requested. Is that sufficiently seconded? It is sufficiently seconded. This will be a roll call vote. Members will take their seats. The motion before us is the minority amendment on HB 52. The Chair recognizes Rep. Espitia for a parliamentary inquiry.
Rep. Manny Espitia (D - Hills 31)Thank you, Mister Speaker. If I know that we have had competitive, balanced congressional maps. And if I know that a rewrite of the map is entirely unnecessary. The simple changes from this amendment will keep these districts competitive. And if I know that this amendment will keep a level playing field and allow voters, Democrats and Republicans and Independents alike to pick their politicians and not the other way around, will I now press the green button to keep our congressional maps fair for another ten years?
Speaker PackardThe Chair recognizes Rep. Lynn for a parliamentary inquiry.
Rep. Bob Lynn (R - Rock 7)Thank you, Mister Speaker. If I know for the reasons stated earlier by my colleague from Manchester that the proposal in the majority does a better job of ensuring, first of all it meets constitutional requirements and it does a better job of ensuring that more people within the state will be able to choose, to make the choice that they desire for representative, would I then vote to defeat the minority and press the red button?
Speaker PackardThe question before us is the minority amendment on HB 52. This is a roll call vote. If you are in favor, you will press the green button. If you are opposed, you will press the red button. Voting stations will be open for 30 seconds. Have all members present had an opportunity to vote? The House will attend to the state of the vote. 167 voting Yea, 189 voting Nay, the minority committee report fails. We are on second reading and open to further amendment. Rep. Abramson offers floor amendment (2301h). It was at the tables. You don't have seat pockets. The Chair recognizes Rep. Abramson.
Rep. Max Abramson (R - Rock 40)Thank you, Mister Speaker. It's amendment (2301h) and it was not only available at the table, but it's been circulating around. The proposed map that I have been trying to bring to the Special Redistricting Committee or the idea that I have been trying to bring to the Special Redistricting Committee, I have not been able to make the meetings, but it's simply the idea that the boundary line should be as short as possible. There are three reasons why you want a boundary line as short as possible. What the map does in this case, you'd just have Rockingham County, Strafford County, the City of Nashua, the City of Manchester, where we are, would be one district joined by Pelham, Litchfield and Hudson. So that would be the lower right-hand corner of the state. That proposed district would give you the more compact district and then the Northern and Western parts of the state would be the other district, district two. The reason for doing that is going with the shortest boundary possible. Number one, of all of the drawn up congressional maps, the ones that have been thrown out by the courts, whether it was in Wisconsin, Ohio, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, they have been long boundary districts. Courts have thrown out long boundary districts time and again. They very rarely survive. The second reason is that the general public looks at long boundary district like the one proposed in (2271h) that has just been passed, the majority recommendation and they look at that and they feel like, it looks like gerrymandering, it looks unfair, it looks like somebody was playing games, it looks like somebody was drawing a line of spaghetti around the state. Now, from the inner district, it doesn't look like that, but from the outer district one member of this House said that it looks like someone would have to drive from Nashua all the way to the North Country and then come down to Portsmouth and from the outside of the state it looks like, it looks inappropriate, it looks like it's unfair. Now, I do agree with the intent of having a Republican leaning district and a Democrat leaning district. Having what I called several years ago propositional representation, which I suggested before I ever became a member of this body. So I do think that you are, no matter what kind of map you are going to draw, you are going to end up in a 50/50 state with one congressional district that leans a little Republican and you are going to have one that leans a little bit Democrat. However, if we are interested in maintaining accountability of our elected officials, then we need to have competitive districts. Using Dave's redistricting software online which is a powerful online software development tool we can actually measure the effectiveness and quality of proposed districts. This district design achieves a score of 83 on competitiveness, which is one of the highest, not only one of the highest in the country, but it would be better than any of the other proposals that have been placed in front of us. There are other reasons to support (2301h) over the other plans and the benefit of course is with the shortest boundary line you get lower cost campaigns. So, when you have people campaigning for Congress, they don't have to raise as much money from special interest groups. Most of the special interest money pouring into New Hampshire is pouring in from out of state of course. We want to have two representatives in our delegation who are answerable to us, answerable to the voters and you are not going to get that answerability if they are having to raise twice as much money to campaign over a much larger area and possibly having to run TV ads in the expensive Maine and Massachusetts markets which are really expensive and that would be a consequence of the Majority's proposed plan. I don't think that was intended, but that would be one of the unintended side effects. I think that going with the shortest boundary possible gives you something more competitive. Putting the boundary as close to Manchester as possible, where we have the VA and a lot of federal issues coming through Manchester and Nashua, would give the voters who are along that boundary line or along this corridor, the 93 corridor, would give them greater ability to maintain accountability and it would be much easier to vote out members of Congress who are not being responsive to the voters. So you would, according to the software, you would still get basically an R+3 district and probably a D+3 district, but that's inevitable with any plan that you have but I think having a more competitive district looks fair, it looks better and gives the voters of this state more control over who we have in Congress. We've looked at the results of other states that for various reasons are stuck with either one Republican or one Democrat or a group of entrenched Republicans and Democrats and the results are not good. Their members of Congress are much, much less responsive to the concerns of the voters and many of them don't even have town hall meetings and don't even come back to their district. Some of them don't even live in their district. So, I'm asking members to press the green button and support amendment (2301h). It would just carve out a much smaller district or a much more compact district in the lower right-hand corner of the state and the rest of the state would be district two.
Rep. Ross Berry (R - Hills 44)Yes, Mister Speaker, thank you. The proposed maps creates a, he talks about the size of the districts. The proposed maps creates a CD2 that is significantly larger, thus more expensive to campaign in, but to address specifically, he makes an argument about the length of the district. Mister Chairman, the ACLU brought forward I believe it's a 42-page document reviewing the proposed majority's maps and at no point did the ACLU raise a legal argument against the majority's maps. The majority's maps has a population deviation of 88 people and 89 people, respectively and it never divides a town. So we managed to get that low of a deviation in a state of 1.377 million people, we got it down to 88 and 89, respectively, and with that, Mister Speaker, I ask that our fellow members vote no and I request a roll call vote.
Speaker PackardA roll call has been requested. Has that been sufficiently seconded? It is sufficiently seconded. This will be a roll call vote. Members will take their seats. Members take your seats. The question before us is the Abramson amendment. This is a roll call vote. The Chair recognizes Rep. Adjutant for a parliamentary inquiry.
Rep. Joshua Adjutant (D - Graf 16)Thank you, Mister Speaker. Mister Speaker, if I agree with my friend from Seabrook that competitive districts are a mechanism that voters have to enforce term limits. If I know that keeping the Seacoast, Nashua, Manchester, Strafford and Rockingham County together provides the community of interest representation better than even the current map so that Congressman and Congresswoman can better serve their constituents. And if I am happy to vote for a map that doesn't put Portsmouth and Nashua in the same CD but makes you have to drive to Mount Washington to get from one to the other, would I now cast this proudly, bipartisan vote by pressing the green button?
Speaker PackardThe Chair recognizes Rep. Lynn for a parliamentary inquiry.
Rep. Bob Lynn (R - Rock 7)Thank you, Mister Speaker. If I know that the current districts are not competitive, and that the proposal made in this Abramson amendment will not make them competitive. And if I know as was previously pointed out that there is no constitutional issue with the majority's proposed maps, would I then press the red button and defeat this proposal?
Speaker PackardThe question before us is the Abramson floor amendment for HB 52. This is a roll call vote. If you are in favor, you will press the green button. If you are opposed, you'll press the red button. Voting stations are open for 30 seconds. Have all members present had an opportunity to vote? The House will attend to the state of the vote. 174 voting Yea, 182 voting Nay, the Abramson floor amendment fails. We are now down to the last piece. We are on Ought to Pass with Amendment. The Chair recognizes Rep. Marjorie Smith.
Rep. Marjorie Smith (D - Straf 6)Thank you, Mister Speaker. I rise, virtually, not in reality to oppose the pending question. I thank you, Mister Speaker, for ensuring that the members of the New Hampshire House are listening. We are an interesting state. It is one of the reasons that we have been able to maintain the position of the First in the Nation Primary. We are about 1/3 Republican, 1/3 Democratic and 1/3 Undeclared. We know that the undeclared really doesn't mean neutral. Many members of the undeclared are favoring one party or the other, but that mix, and the possibility of an open primary makes us very appealing when presidentials want to come and tell us how wonderful they would be if they could serve in that position. One of the reasons that we have been able to maintain this position is that we are, in fact, a purple state. Parts
of the state are more red, parts are more blue, but altogether we are purple and we see that when we realize in the New Hampshire Representatives to the US Congress how many times we have changed parties. That is a tribute to all of us in this state that we take seriously our responsibility in who we vote for and why we are voting for them. It means that we, as elected officials, have to pay attention to what the citizens are telling us about how they want us to run their government. That, Mister Speaker, is why I ask this body to oppose the pending question. The pending question sets up districts in order to predetermine the outcome of the election and therefore deny the voters of this state the opportunity to decide for themselves. I believe that this body is better than that. I believe this body understands that we have to respect the voters in this state and their desire to be able to say every two years whether they want a Republican, a Democrat or someone else to represent them. Therefore, Mister Speaker, with great sadness, but with a great degree of commitment, I ask this body to reject the pending question to vote ITL, or to vote no on the pending motion so that we might come back and, in fact, present the opportunity to vote on something that is a tribute to this body and its respect for the citizens of the state. Thank you, Mister Speaker.
Rep. Bob Lynn (R - Rock 7)Thank you, Mister Speaker. I apologize if I am taking a little longer to speak. I have chronic asthma and it's picked a great time to sort of act up. I rise in support of the majority amendment which is now before us. We had to change the districts because of population in the state changed and the changing population was not equal between the districts. CD1 gained more population than CD2. Our plan meets constitutional one man, one vote requirements. As was previously mentioned, the population difference between CD1 and CD2 under our proposal is at most 89 individuals out of a total state population of almost 1.4 million people. Our plan also maintains continuity among all towns and cities in each district and does not divide any town or city. We've heard much during the committee's proceedings about gerrymandering. The dictionary, Merriam Webster, definition of gerrymander is, "To divide or arrange a territorial unit into election districts in a way to give one political party an unfair advantage." Unfair advantage. So let's see if that's what actually happened here. In fact, the map created by the majority does not create unfair advantages. In fact, it removes them. We've heard throughout the proceedings and I'm sure you've heard on more than one occasion in the newspapers, or you've read the newspapers or heard on TV the phrase, "Voters should choose their Reps, not the other way around." I have to admit that is a great talking point. The only problem is if you actually look at it and scrutinize it for a moment, there is not substance to it. Whether directly or indirectly through some kind of "independent commission, "created by legislators, it is always legislators who decide what districts voters are assigned to. Voters never make that choice. Many we heard from during our committee's proceedings asked us to account for communities of interest. Interestingly, however, the only community of interest that they never mentioned that they wanted us to consider was political like mindedness, yet particularly considering that what we are dividing up, our districts for voting purposes, political affinity would seem to be among the most important considerations. In this regard I note that in 2012, our Democratic friends recognized that political similarities did constitute a community of interest. They then told the supreme court to define community of interest as, "A group of people concentrated in a geographic area who share similar interest and priorities, whether social, cultural, ethnic, economic, religious or political." That's at 163 New Hampshire Reports, page 707. The fact is that Republicans and Democrats are not evenly divided throughout our state. For example, not only politically, but socially and culturally, the Portsmouth- Durham area has much more in common with Plymouth, Keene, Hanover and even Concord than it does with Manchester, Salem or Derry. Our proposal aligns pollical communities and cultural communities of interest much better than does the Democratic proposal. Also under our plan, Manchester, the state's largest city, is placed in the same CD as the many smaller communities, but make up a significant portion of its commuter workforce. One of the questions that has frequently been raised and asked at both our proceedings and here is, are the current districts competitive. Contrary to claims, the reality is that neither CD1, nor CD2, but particularly the latter is competitive. Mapathon says that the Democratic advantage in CD1 is plus 5.2% and that the Democratic advantage in CD2 is plus 10.4%. No one can seriously believe that a district with a 10.4% advantage is competitive. According to Mapathon, our proposal actually makes CD1 more competitive by changing the district from 5.2% plus for our Democratic colleagues to 1.8% for Republicans. Let's talk more fundamentally though about how important is competitiveness. The arguments that we heard during our proceedings were that competitiveness forces candidates to the center. Well ask yourself, is this really true, given that to win the nomination of either party, candidates have to appeal to their base which is usually not in the center. For example, claims that Bernie Sanders can't win a national election did not prevent our New Hampshire Democratic colleagues from giving him a victory in our presidential primary. More importantly, forcing to the center discourages reforms and new ideas. In a sense, it is analogist to cancel culture in that it says that debate is permitted only within a narrow range of acceptability as determined by some nebulous standard established by the media or other elite forces not accountable to the citizens. As examples, would Ronald Reagan or Bernie Sanders ever have emerged as real political forces under the "centrist candidates only" formulation? I don't know how many of you in this room are old enough to remember as I do when Ronald Reagan first became politically prominent and won national office, but I remember clearly the attacks on him, President Reagan, by both Democrats and more centrist Republicans. His views on foreign policy will, "Start WWIII" and his domestic policies are voodoo economics. Yet those policies brough about the collapse of the Soviet Union and one of our longest periods of sustain prosperity. So what is the bottom line? Our colleagues across the aisle basically assert that on a statewide basis, our congressional delegation should produce an allocation that matches the political breakdown of the state. They argue in affect that New Hampshire voters generally lean about 52% voting Democrat and 45% voting Republican. I'm not sure I agree with that assessment, nor to I agree with their idea that a voter whose vote is equally weighted with that of every other voter under the one man, one vote principle is somehow disenfranchised because of the way other voters in his or her district are likely to vote. But for present purposes, let's assume that our Democratic colleagues view is correct. What our friends across the aisle proposed to do is construct our congressional Districts so that both districts will be Democrat leaning anywhere from roughly 4.5% to 10% and what will the result of their formulation and what would be the result of their formulation? With 52% of the voters, Democrats will get 100% of the congressional seats. They will win both CD1 and CD2, meaning that under their thesis, the 45% of the electorate that tends to vote Republican will be disenfranchised. Under the Republican proposal, by contrast, which aligns the districts more closely to the voters' leanings, the 52% Democrat versus 45% Republican breakdown will more likely, although by no means inevitably, yield a 50/50 split. One Democrat in CD2 and one Republican in CD1. Thus, under our formulation, only 2% of Democratic voters will be disenfranchised. So ask yourself, which is fairer, disenfranchise the 45% of voters who lean Republican or the 2% of voters who lean Democratic? The answer is obvious. For all of these reasons, I ask you to support the majority proposal and the majority amendment and push the green button. I would also move, Mister Speaker, that this debate be put in the Permanent Journal. Thank you, Mister Speaker.
Speaker PackardThat's a separate motion later. The question now is the Ought to Pass with Amendment motion. Are you ready? Roll call. I was waiting for that. Rep. Espitia requests a roll call. Is that sufficiently seconded? It is sufficiently seconded. This is going to be a roll call vote. Members take their seats. The question before us is the Ought to Pass as Amended on HB 52. This is a roll call vote. The Chair recognizes Rep. Espitia for a parliamentary inquiry.
Rep. Manny Espitia (D - Hills 31)Thank you, Mister Speaker. If I know that our congressional districts have remained largely unchanged since they were first established in the 1880's and I believe that we have been doing it right the last 140 years and do not suddenly need a radical redrawing of our congressional districts. If I know there were zero Granite Staters, zero, who spoke at our public input sessions and requested the drastic, unnecessary changes proposed by the majority. And if I know gerrymandering when I see it and I know these districts are reprehensible, would I now press the red button to vote no on the committee report? Thank you.
Speaker PackardThe Chair. The House will be in order. The Chair recognizes Rep. Lynn for a parliamentary inquiry.
Rep. Bob Lynn (R - Rock 7)Thank you, Mister Speaker. If I know, Mister Speaker, that the current districts are not competitive. One is more noncompetitive than the other, but both are really not competitive. And, if I know that the majority's proposal will make at least one of them competitive, not a walk for the Republican party by any means, but at least competitive, would I then press the green button to support the majority proposal? Thank you, Mister Speaker.
Speaker PackardThe question is on the Ought to Pass as Amended motion on HB 52. This is a roll call vote. If you are in favor, you'll press the green button. If you are opposed, you'll press the red button. Voting stations are open for 30 seconds. Have all members present had an opportunity to vote? The House will attend to the state of the vote. 186 voting Yea, 164 voting Nay, the committee report is adopted.
(Representative Steven Smith in the Chair)